Archive for the 'Semiotics' Category

Sep 03 2008

A few thoughts on the politics of neckwear.

(Newsweek, November 20, 2000)

I wrote this a few days ago but was unable to post it until now.

Benita sent me an email link the other day to the Obama campaign’s latest online fund raising video. In the video, Obama is wearing a strong red tie and Biden a baby blue tie. She sent me the link no doubt in response to my claim that Obama has typically only worn blue ties like the one show below throughout the primary campaign.

(Image from the Obama Campaign home page, 27 August, 2008)

So why is this important? Does something so seemingly trivial as the color of a necktie have any relevance to political identities and processes? The answer depends on how much weight one places on the associative and emotive power of color.

As we had been discussing recent visual rhetorical tools employed by different campaigns, I mentioned that the Obama campaign’s virtually exclusive use of blue, including the candidate’s ties are deliberate messages meant to communicate Democratic (and democratic) ideals. As I had been looking at Al Gore’s public image in recent years I began to notice similarities in Obama’s and other Democrat’s attire. Yes, I’ve really been “reading” political wardrobes.

For example, I’ve argued that Gore deliberately projected a “centrist” image during the 2000 campaign (and before) through what became his standard uniform; blue suite, blue shirt, red tie. As far as attire, there was nothing to suggest any difference in political or cultural ideology between Gore and Bush. Bush had not yet introduced the ubiquitous flag pin to his lapel. The New Yorker noted this through an editorial cartoon portraying a mock New York Times article with the headline, “Bush and Gore Stake Out Differences in First Debate, But Agree On Clothes.” The red (power) tie, especially since the early 80’s, came to symbolize wealth, conservatism, and of course power. Red is also the color associated with the Republican Party, blue with the Democratic party. In 1992, Clinton/Gore were also paired together in a similar red power tie uniform, perhaps reflecting their “new” Democrat pro business platform.

But today the color associations of red Republican and blue Democratic are arguably much stronger. Ever since the late Tim Russert coined the phrase “red state/blue state” during the 2000 Presidential campaign, it has become the norm to speak not only about politics in red and blue but cultural and identity ascriptions as well. The association between these two primary colors and socio-political ideology has become deeply embedded across popular cultural narratives. A quick Lexis, Amazon, or Google search will bear this out. If one talks about “red America” for example, they are inferring a whole host of cultural signifiers like 2nd Amendment, Christian, socially conservative, etc. The Newsweek cover above was not reflecting this narrative tradition so much as it was playing a role in its establishment.

Post 2000, national Democrats have increasingly employed blue in their attire and overall campaign imagery. Gore’s image over the last 6 years, which has typified the new Democratic political uniform, is meant to portray a Leftist public image drawing a deliberate contrast with the Republican Right. And no candidate during this (primary) election campaign has been more consistent than Obama, who has carefully branded and blue toned everything from his tie to his website. And it’s not just any blue. It’s “electric blue,” symbolizing not just Democratic political ideology but also democratic cultural values. It’s a blue that’s fresh, bright and hopeful. Just what Obama is pitching to the American public. It’s the Neo-Progressive blue of the new new Democrats. His acceptance speech at the Democratic National Convention also made reference to this narrative with the following:

“The men and women who serve in our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America - they have served the United States of America.”

Light blue is also associated with health, healing, tranquility, understanding, and softness. This is what Obama proposes when he says not a red America or blue America, but a United States of America. But his visual rhetoric has been all blue. Contrasted to power red, which is also associated with war and danger, Obama and the Democratic party are actively portraying these contrasting values through color. At her blog, Cara Finnegan noted that, “Obama Blue ties” were the “male uniform of choice” for the Democratic convention. A very deliberate choice.

The new blue is the anti-red. It was probably no coincidence that Bush’s tie wardrobe was replaced with baby blue after most Americans grew tired of his Middle East adventure and his poll numbers plummeted. John McCain likewise, looking for some extra media attention during the Democratic convention appeared on Jay Leno wearing a soft blue tie. He was similarly attired during his announcement and presentation of his running mate. Increasingly, McCain is ditching the tie all together. His homepage features him in an open collar plain blue shirt. No doubt an attempt to communicate “blue collar” working class in lieu of the recent press coverage about not only how many houses he owns but his not being able to remember how many.

So why would Obama, after consistently portraying himself and his message in shades of blue, now don the red power tie? My first instinct was to think about those ever elusive “centrist” voters and Obama’s strategy which aims to compete (and hopefully win) in “red America.” Perhaps it is simply General Election mode to don the red power tie for a national public.

Looking around I found other images of Obama with red tie coupled with Biden in blue. During the primaries however, every endorsement event (that comes to mind) featured Obama with xyz in matching electric blue ties. See for example, An Uncanny Convention(al) Photo. Can you name a convention speaker who hasn’t donned the true blue?

With Biden brought on in part to “balance” Obama’s perceived experience deficit coupled with the age difference between the two men, it makes since for Obama to wear the power tie when they are paired. Obama needs to be perceived as the CEO or “the boss” when they are together. But given this logic, what color strategy should Obama employ in the debates with John McCain? Does he go with blue for healing and democratic solidarity or red to signify strength and power? I’m guessing the later. Again, for his acceptance speech last night Obama donned the red tie. I think Josh Marshall’s initial thoughts on Obama’s speech reflects the visual logic of the change in necktie color.

I’ve heard a few people say that he seemed to hold back from giving the soaring speech he might have given. But I suspect that was intentional and I think a good decision. Meta-themes and tonality form the deeper structure of political communication. And the aim of this speech was not eloquence but strength.

The meta-theme of Obama’s candidacy has been expressed throughout in shades of blue; change and hope, healing and unity. But I agree with Marshall’s assessment of the logic of the speech. Obama’s performance certainly achieved that. Thus, the convention’s visual presentation, with Obama in a red tie surrounded by a sea of “progressive blue,” captured the essence of the campaign narrative which Obama leads. A necktie is not only a clothing accessory but a rhetorical device. In this sense, the necktie is transformed into a mouthpiece.

Update: When comparing the two conventions I think my basic premise holds up. Both parties and candidates are engaged in an ideologically driven primary color narrative. See this photo essay for an idea of how the GOP is branding their convention in red. For his address, the virtual megatron Bush wore progressive blue, symbolizing his “compassionate conservatism.” Also I noticed that when the ex-Democrat Lieberman spoke, the backdrop behind him faded from red to blue. The sea of blood red signs on the convention floor that read “service” were particularly disturbing.

John McCain’s campaign manager Rick Davis summed it up, “This election is not about issues,” said Davis. “This election is about a composite view of what people take away from these candidates.”

No responses yet

Jun 26 2008

No Caption Needed Birthday

Robert Hariman and John Lucaites recently posted the one year anniversary of their fantastic blog, No Caption Needed.

You can read Bent’s review of both the blog and their seminal book by the same title here.

They’re experiencing some “growing pains”, something we are familiar with here.

It’s been a year since we began this blog. We had no idea what we were getting into. The initial idea was to put up an ad for the book. Not a great idea, but then we thought that we could write a few posts to thicken the ad. After all, neither one of us had the time to do this on a regular basis. One thing lead to another, and soon we had created a monster: we loved writing the posts and seeing the audience grow, but we still didn’t have the time, so we told ourselves that we’d do it for a year and then quit. It’s been a year and we don’t want to quit, but we need to make some changes.

I encourage you to stop by and leave your comments or drop them an email, or better yet both. This is one of the little jewels out in the academic blogosphere (and a service to the public at large). Both blog and book have been a source of inspiration for me personally as I have become increasingly drawn into visual culture, semiotics and that emerging niche that Bent refers to as iconicity studies.

Best of luck and continued success with No Caption Needed.

No responses yet

May 26 2008

McCain’s Memorial Day Political Iconography


Today is Memorial Day in the US. Doubtful there was any “coverage” by our local media here. But given the recent importance we’ve been placing on visual analysis, iconic studies, and semiotics I thought this image, featured today on the mainpage of John McCain’s campaign website, might be interesting to toss around.

I’ve recently been re-reading Robert Hariman’s and John Louis Lucaites’ exceptional book, No Caption Needed: Iconic Photographs, Public Culture and Liberal Democracy.

Chapter 4, “Performing Civic Identity,” specifically explores the iconic image of the flag raising at Iwo Jima.

Hariman and Lucaites argue that the flag raising image creates three simultaneous civic narratives based on three deeply embedded ideological traditions within America’s political and cultural history. I’m pulling this from memory so please correct me if I don’t get it exactly right.
1. civic republicanism
2. egalitarianism
3. nationalism

From the photo above, its obvious that the man holding the flag is none other than John McCain. Given that John McCain’s campaign has embraced militaristic and nationalistic themes for his campaign an image like this is not unique for McCain on its first read.

However, I couldn’t help seeing this image in relation to the iconic Iwo Jima photo. There’s McCain, standing atop a barren hilltop amongst an eerily similar barren landscape like that depicted in the Iwo Jima.

What do you think? Is McCain relying on the cultural memory of the Iwo Jima image here?
If so, does the image meet any of the three qualities listed above? For Hariman and Lucaites the Iwo Jima worked and continues to work because it simultaneously embodies all three of those traits which can be read by different and competing identities within the body politic. For me, any expression of egalitarianism or popular liberal democracy is removed from the context in the McCain photo. Its even difficult to read a civic republican virtue into the visual narrative. I’m left with a libertarian ultra-individualistic patriotism as the sole narrative. Perhaps the creators thought a lone McCain would strengthen the “maverick” meme. I don’t know, I think this image fails terribly in comparison to the original, if that is what it was based upon.

What do you think?

No responses yet

May 16 2008

Lakota Sundance and the American Flag

One of the most captivating presentations at the recent EAAS conference in Oslo was Kay Koppedrayer’s narration of the events at a Lakota sundance ceremony on the Pine Ridge reservation where American Flags were flown during the ceremony:

One year, four American flags flew over a Lakota sundance on the Pine Ridge Reservation. Raised on a column of lodge poles dug into the hillside above the eastern gateway of the sundance arbor, the flags were easily visible from every location on the sundance grounds, from where families camped, to where people parked and sat in their cars, to the shade circling the arbor, where the drums and singers sat, to inside the arbor where the sundancers prayed, to the fire and where the sweat lodges were located.

There were varying opinions among the participants concerning the meaning of the iconic flag in such a context. I was particularly struck by this comment cited by Kay:

As one of the Lakota sundancers put it, “that’s our flag, too. We captured it. We won that flag, the one that’s flying up there.” He was referring to the defeat of Custer at the Battle of the Little Big Horn, in which more than a few American flags were taken by the victors. One estimate is that some fifteen were later brought back to the Lakota and Cheyenne camps.

See for instance the account by Chief Rain-in-the-Face of his role in the battle of Little Big Horn which mentions a flag capture:

I had sung the war song, I had smelt power smoke, my heart was bad–I was like one who had no mind. I rushed in and took their flag; my pony fell dead as I took it. I cut the thong that bound me; I jumped up and brained the sword flag man with my war club, and ran back to our line with the flag. I was mad. I got a fresh pony and rushed back, shooting, cutting and slashing. This pony was shot and I got another. This time I saw Little Hair (Tom Custer)–I remembered my vow. I was crazy; I feared nothing. I knew nothing would hurt me, for I had my white weasel tail on. I don’t know how many I killed trying to get at him. He knew me. I laughed at him and yelled at him. I saw his mouth move, but there was so much noise I couldn’t hear his voice. He was afraid. When I got near enough I shot him with my revolver. My gun was gone, I didn’t know where. I got back on my pony and rode off. I was satisfied and sick of fighting.

The pride in the American flag expressed by one Lakota sundancer in the above quote from Kay’s presentation was supplemented by her further account of the respect several veterans of service in the US military expressed for the flag. Historically the US Government has made considerable efforts to establish the role of the flag and has used it as a means of integration of Natives serving in the military. Kay Koppedrayer again:

Veterans returning from the war were welcomed with victory songs, adaptations of earlier songs celebrating victory over other tribes or the US cavalry (Standing in the Light: A Lakota Way of Seeing, Young Bear and Theisz, 1996: 83-84), and flag songs, introduced to the reservations with the citizenship and recruitment campaigns. [...] Flags were flown at these [social] dances as at most other gatherings on the reservation as part of the Americanization process. Veterans, honoured with the flag songs and victory songs, were given the privilege of opening and policing the gatherings. As for the Lakota soldiers who didn’t come back, their deaths were honoured with the display of the flag. A description of a soldier’s burial at Rosebud describes his body being brought home: “Long before we reached the home we could also see Old Glory floating from a tall flagpole that had been set up since the news of his death had reached the reservation” (Department of Interior 1927: 3).

At the end of the sundance described in Kay’s presentation the flags were taken down and in an impromptu ceremony presented to a young Marine representing all the veterans there. Kay quotes this young man’s account of the event:

He said that when he stood there in front of the people, it was so still, so quiet, he felt as if the ancestors were there, all the veterans were there. He stood there for all the veterans and he can’t put into words how he felt, can’t express it, can’t explain it. He said the look on the faces of the family members who received the flags is something he can’t explain. He said that the experience took him to another place, “it was as if I was up on the hill [the hill surrounding the sundance grounds, but also an expression that is used when one goes fasting (= vision quest), the hill where the flag poles were, the hill where the men had earlier been fasting] watching. I could see myself and I could see everybody and I could see the pride. The pride I felt wasn’t my pride, but it came from the people, it came from them and I felt it through me.”

Kay’s narration of these events and feelings left us all quite stunned. The somewhat problematic connotations of Old Glory had been re-interpreted for us in a whole new context. I deem the actions of the participants in the Lakota sundance as a performance of an instance of unincorporated, non-hegemonic collaborative icon-work vis-a-vis the US flag…

For an alternative Native view see this document.

Here is a Whitecap Dakota/Sioux flag used in Canada:

2 responses so far

May 15 2008

An Uncanny Convention(al) Photo

Published by Stuart Noble under Semiotics

Yesterday John Edwards endorsed Barack Obama. I know, old news already. But if you haven’t seen the video it’s worth noting the overwhelming enthusiasm from the Michigan crowd when Obama introduced Edwards. Considering he received 7% of the vote in West Virginia and isn’t even running I’d say he’s still got some serious mojo with “the people”.


Hat tip to the EENR blog for video. EENR is a progressive blog community which began as a partisan grassroots community for John Edwards and has since morphed into an independent progressive/populist advocacy site.

The thing that struck me immediately about the visual of Obama and Edwards together was how much they looked like running mates at a Democratic convention. No doubt many would have read the visual as such, which was probably the point. The BAG has a few remarks on this worth checking out, “– it’s hard to believe the true blue O-team wasn’t playing for this exact pose.”

Bellow is Clinton and Gore at the 92 Democratic convention. The comparison is uncanny.
Even Edwards’ and Obama’s facial gestures mimic Gore and Clinton in these two photos.
Do you notice anything different between the two photos?


The title of this blog post is a direct play on the BAG’s title linked above, “Obama-Edwards: Just A Convention(al) Photo

One response so far

May 14 2008

Icons of Transgression

My paper for the EAAS conference in Oslo last week dealt with icons and icon work, continuing a line of research I began about 5 years ago when I participated in a conference in Austria with the theme of US Icons. The convener of both the AAAS event in 2003 and of the Oslo workshop was Klaus Rieser of Graz, Austria whose tireless work is beginning to make an emergent interdisciplinary field out of Icon Studies.

Here is an excerpt of my presentation focusing on my two case studies of transgressive American icons, Charles Manson and Patty Hearst…

It is the elderly Manson who fuels the imagination of icon workers that use him in a politicized discourse, as witnessed first by a right wing manipulation of Manson’s image, photo-shopped into a photo of former Democrat candidate for President, John Kerry, who was the victim of a vicious slander campaign due to his past as an anti-Vietnam War activist. Here a grinning Manson in a suit modelled on Kerry’s (as is Manson’s hair style) shows the Senator a piece of paper or a photograph (perhaps a snapshot of the original Manson victims), and they appear to share a moment of confidence, although Kerry’s closed eyes might indicate that the image Manson shows him is a bit too much to take in. Note the Swastika on Manson’s forehead (he had used a knife to scrawl an ‘X’ on his forehead during his trial, and this ‘X’ later turned into a Swastika in popular legend), as well as the Kerry campaign button on his lapel.


In a parallel image, this time used to satirize Kerry’s defeater, George W. Bush, Manson’s photograph (the raw image is the same, and here the hair and attire are not airbrushed or photo-shopped) is used for a different type of collaborative icon work, this time more oppositional in nature. It is accompanied by an amusing text calling for the approval by the Senate of Manson as ambassador to the Klingon Empire (referencing the Star Trek universe). In this narrative Manson works for the Republicans as (crudely) indicated by the replacement of the Swastika on his forehead, which is substituted with a GOP Elephant, the symbol of the Republican Party. Bush and Condoleeza Rice are both ‘quoted’ as supporting Manson’s speedy appointment, saying for instance that “questions about Manson’s management style shouldn’t be part of the confirmation process”.

These two instances will be perceived as collaborative only from a politically partisan view. Both authors use Manson’s monstrosity to satirize the party he or she does not belong to. They are both hegemonically inscribed in a party political system, although not officially sanctioned by either party. The main iconic image I have selected for analysis is however a true homage to Manson.

Here Manson is a saint and a martyr, signalled as in classical religious iconography via a representation of his stigmata. Here we note again the Swastika on Manson’s forehead, echoed in even more stylized form in his halo along with pentagrams that associate Manson with Satanism. His other stigmata consist of the blood stains on his face and neck and the strange umbilical chord of blood stretching from the back of his skull into the background of the icon. The photograph used as template for the icon is one depicting Manson in a particularly wild-eyed moment, taken shortly after his arrest, but prior to the X’ing incident. The choice of red, black and purple colours for Manson’s halo and the background (the traditional rays of light signalling the subject’s holiness in religious icons is here turned negative and black) contrast sharply with his pale skin. Taken together with the Swastika this composition and colour scheme serve to underscore Manson’s racial programme which the creator of the icon obviously condones. On the website I originally located the image there is a click through link to a further shrine for Satanism and Alistair Crowley which opens when Manson’s image is clicked.

Manson’s afterlife as an icon is thus prolonged by oppositional, collaborative icon work, falling within at least three spheres (which are not as separate as they perhaps should be): political, religious and pop-culture discourses all feed off his image…

Turning now to Patty Hearst, we encounter a story much intertwined in the same counterculture background as the Manson legend. Heiress Hearst was the victim of an extremely high profile kidnapping in 1974, at the tail end of the armed struggle that militant splinter groups originating in the counter-culture and its anti-capitalist agenda was waging in America. The kidnappers, the bizarrely named Symbionese Liberation Army, carried out urban guerrilla warfare inspired by South American left-wing groups. Their agenda further included an attempt to free African-American inmates from the US prison system which their rhetoric compared to concentration camps and apartheid regime oppression a la South Africa. The SLA saw itself as spearheading a Black revolution in America and took as its symbol a seven-headed cobra snake – each head representing a Kwanzaa principle, such as unity, creativity and faith. After kidnapping Hearst and demanding various types of ransom payment (in kind, to be distributed among the poor), Hearst apparently willingly switched sides and joined the SLA in a bank robbery, generating one of the more iconic images of Patty (now known as Tania) wielding a sub-machine gun.

The SLA was eventually hunted down by the police and in an extremely violent shoot-out which resulted in a fire, most of the SLA members were killed. Hearst and a few SLA members escaped the siege and shootout, but were arrested soon after. During the trial, Hearst again switched persona and claimed that her participation in the robbery was coerced and that she had been sexually abused and brainwashed during her captivity by the SLA. She was sentenced to a fairly mild stretch in jail, her sentence was reduced by President Carter and eventually she was fully pardoned by President Clinton. A number of iconic cultural texts have been generated by this sequence of events.

The best known icon of Hearst is the image of her in front of the SLA cobra on a bright orange background. ‘Tania’ stares aggressively at ‘the Man’, ready to fire her Thompson gun – another weapon is ready in the background. This is revolutionary iconography 101, down to the army fatigues, the beret, the weapon and the surprising amount of cleavage shown. The phallic cobra offers a potent reminder of Tania’s taming, but also boosts her new-found revolutionary clout. As an ironic paean to this image Warren Zevon has put Patty Hearst into the lyrics of his tall-tale of mercenaries, post-colonial African liberation wars, upright, well-meaning Norwegian boys displaying bravery, sinister Danish power brokers, and CIA engineered betrayal followed by posthumous just deserts in the form of a headless ghost’s revenge: “Roland, the Headless Thompson Gunner”. The song ends on a didactic note:

The eternal Thompson gunner
Still wand’ring through the night
Now it’s ten years later, but he still keeps up the fight
In Ireland, in Lebanon, in Palestine and Berkeley
Patty Hearst heard the burst
Of Roland’s Thompson gun and bought it…

What exactly the meaning of the closing phrase “and bought it” means is an interesting point of debate. To buy something, of course means to acquire it for money, but also to buy into a story hook, line and sinker. The court case against Hearst revolved exactly around this point: did she buy the rhetoric of the SLA, or was she coerced or seduced, becoming a case of Stockholm Syndrome? My take on Zevon, who has many songs about masculine exploits gone horribly wrong (“Send lawyers, guns and money – the shit has hit the fan” is a line that springs to mind), is that he is warning us all against being taken in by revolutionary bravado and romanticism. To him Hearst is the naïve, protected, socialite teen who temporarily falls for the seduction of revolutionary ardour (a sentiment I would guess many of us can recognize).

Here is Zevon performing his song on Letterman:

More images of Hearst and Manson available here…

Read the rest of my paper in due course when it appears in print or as part of my book on Icons of Transgression

2 responses so far

Apr 29 2008

Cars and Killers

Next week will be a busy academic whirlwind tour of two Nordic capitals for me: Helsinki and Oslo. The two main American Studies events of the year are crammed together as Consecutive conferences: The Renvall Institute’s Helsinki do, The Maple Leaf and Eagle Conference, has reached instalment no. 12 in its fine run (it will be my third time around as a participant). The theme is always broad and this year is no exception: “North America - Relations and relationships”. My contribution is about the cultural importance of one specific, iconic brand of car: The Cadillac…

Continue Reading »

One response so far

Apr 16 2008

Hillary Clinton as Annie Oakley?

Published by Stuart Noble under Politics, Semiotics

As often happens here on this blog, because we don’t have a formal editorial process, different writers post articles related to the same or similar material, albeit from often different perspectives. See Bent’s article bellow, Barack Mean to Bubba, which also deals with the topic of this blogpost. Although we have approached the subject from different perspectives these two articles should be seen as complimentary.

One of the many interesting aspects of American politics are the ways popular cultural narratives are manifested, especially as deliberate campaign constructions. Continue Reading »

8 responses so far

Apr 15 2008

Barack Mean to Bubba?

Barack Obama may have committed a major political faux pas last week when he spoke out on the attitudes of some prospective working class voters: “It’s not surprising then,” he said, “that they get bitter, they cling to guns or religion or antipathy to people who aren’t like them or anti-immigrant sentiment or anti-trade sentiment as a way to explain their frustrations.” Hillary Clinton quickly saw an opening and worked the spin to the max: “It’s being reported that my opponent said that the people of Pennsylvania who faced hard times are bitter; well, that’s not my experience,” Mrs. Clinton told an audience at Drexel University. “Pennsylvanians don’t need a president who looks down on them; they need a president who stands up for them, who fights for them, who works hard for your futures, your jobs, your families.” Certainly Obama committed a bad move in terms of navigating discourse spheres: by raising the otherwise silent class issue, he opened himself up to all kinds of metaphorical abuse. Continue Reading »

3 responses so far

Mar 06 2008

The Politics of Gotham

Published by Stuart Noble under Politics, Semiotics

While researching examples for my last post, Postmodern Presidential Branding, I stumbled across some typesetting blogs discussing the Obama campaign’s font, or typeset; Gotham.

So I was naturally interested in the typography as a visual political narrative. What does Obama’s choice of Gotham say about his campaign, about his political philosophy? I imagine that Obama had nothing personally to do with choosing the font but his design team saw Gotham perhaps as a reflection of the candidate. Here’s what Jonathan Hoefler and Tobias Frere-Jones, the designers of Gotham have to say; Continue Reading »

No responses yet

Next »